Music and Politics

Music in Zimbabwe: Between commerce and criticism of the system

By F. D. Mhlanga

Farai Danny Mhlanga studied Public Administration and Management and graduated with a Masters in Peace, Leadership & Governance. He works as a development professional, advocating for youth empowerment and sustainable development.

For generations, music has been an influential means of political expression in Zimbabwe. Today, songs by critical pop musicians are heard by millions of young people. Our author places today’s controversial songs in the longer history of popular music as a critique of colonial and undemocratic rule and as a mobilising tool for civil society engagement.

Historical Background

The use of music for political goals began during the liberation struggle with artists like Thomas Mapfumo in the 1970s. Mapfumo adapted traditional musical styles played with the mbira for the amplified electric guitar. His music and lyrics were messages of resistance and unity in the anti-colonial liberation war, the second Chimurenga. The genre of Chimurenga music emerged and they mobilised broad sections of the population for the struggle for independence.

The ruling party of independent Zimbabwe thus knew well the mobilising effect of music and soon tried to control what was said. The only artists who sang quite explicitly about politics were commissioned by the ruling party, for example the Mbare Chimurenga Choir. Otherwise, under Robert Mugabe’s leadership, censorship, arrests and harassment of artists who sang about politics continued until the early 2000s. In 2005, Thomas Mapfumo also fled to the West.

In the 2000s, music was increasingly used to address burning social issues such as cohesion in the nation or HIV and AIDS and. Oliver “Tuku” Mtukudzi, also known in Switzerland for his acclaimed live performances, addressed family and social problems with his music: Domestic violence, early marriages and poverty.

This period also saw the emergence of new electronic sounds that stood out from the guitars and mbira sounds of the Chimurenga tradition: the urban grooves. They also became popular because local radio stations were now required by law to play a majority of local musicians. The urban grooves were mainly aimed at promoting the arts and culture industry and were less politically oriented.

ZimDancehall: Music of a new generation between commerce and system criticism

The rise of ZimDancehall as a genre within urban grooves since around 2010 brought a new wave of hope, especially to the nation’s young people. ZimDancehall also brought with it an upsurge in the music industry. New technologies and the internet provided artists with many platforms to distribute their music. Thus, ZimDancehall also caught the attention of policy makers as it captured the hearts of young people with its messages of youth empowerment and culture change. The regime lost control over the distribution and content of the music.

Artists like Jah Prayzah with songs for the preservation of culture and heritage also touched the hearts of the elders with new music. But a new dissident, youthful culture also emerged in the second republic. The pioneers of this music were young people, especially Winky D, Soul Jah Love, Freeman, Jah Prayzah and Chillspot Records.

Overall, ZimDancehall culture has contributed to serious positive and negative social changes. These include not only the upgrading of the culture and arts industry, but also high drug use among young people.

Music as a scathing commentary on the new regime

The ouster of Robert Mugabe led to an awakening that was mirrored in 2017 in the album “Kutonga Kwaro” (“his control”) by Jah Prayzah. This album by perhaps the most popular Zimbabwean artist gave the new president ED Mnangagwa a tailwind. The album’s tracks ignited a spark and were taken as prophecies about the legitimacy of the rule of a new liberation war hero, in this case the new president ED Mnangagwa. Other musicians are much more vehement in representing the voice of the youth in the urban ghettos: Winky D released his ninth album “Njema” (“Shackles” – The artist translation means being physically free but mentally shackled) in late 2019 after the 2018 elections. It was interpreted by listeners and the ruling party as an anti-government album, advocating for freedom of expression and association and speaking unpleasant truths.

And today?

Elections are due in Zimbabwe in 2023, a country with high unemployment, civil unrest, discord and poverty. The album “Eureka” released by Winky D tested the mindset and political maturity of the listeners. The album predicts a struggle against problems that affect the youth in general: Corruption, a nation without identity and the poor use of local resources for economic growth. In today’s politically divided Zimbabwe, “belonging” to a “camp” is also an issue. Holy Ten, who featured on Winky D’s album and who allegedly belongs to the ruling party, was therefore denounced for his involvement in a musical project that was in turn described as “opposition-politically” motivated. Two tracks were at the centre of the controversy: “Ibotso” and “Dzimba Dzemabwe”.

“Ibotso”, the track Holy Ten contributed to, is about how the rich constantly take from the poor and how the young woman has become a sex object and has to be exploited to survive. The key metaphor of the song is “Vanotora zvevapfupi nekureba” (“They take from the little ones because they are bigger”).

“Dzimba Dzemabwe” (“Houses of Stone”) portrays a country with a failed democracy that has lost its culture due to intolerance. A majority of Zimbabweans are likely to recognise the artistic nature of the project. But the ruling party’s Youth League denied the album’s artistic value and portrayed Winky D as a supporter of regime change. In “Dzimba Dzembabwe” Winky D sings:

« What kinda legacy are we to leave for the coming generation?
Yes, I hope to see a better life, but it’s an imagination.
They talk about democracy, mi look all I just see is hypocrisy.
The dialogue is turning into a fallacy.
The Ghetto Youth’s ambition now turn into a fantasy.
From long time when mi grow, everybody know dis is di bread basket,
But, right now we carry water inna di basket. »

Music without social critique is empty

The outcry around Winky D symbolises the extent to which politics has distorted art and music and robbed them of their meaning. Music is actually part of culture and heritage; it predicts our past and present.

Artists like Prophet Passion Java, Holy Ten, Saint Floew, Nutty O and other up-and-coming ama2k artist:ins belonging to the post-2000 generation are giving music a new style; but these young people value money, pleasure and success so much that they prefer to follow the money. Today, musical companions of Winky D also seem to strive for success and money above all. When they follow the money, they come up against an oligarchy that controls the wealth they need and so they dance to its tune. So this music business matches the politics business in Zimbabwe: both are a playground for rip-offs. The music promoter Prophet Passion Java is a case in point. He is all about the egomaniacal spendthrift culture of the “mbingas” (rich money wasters). These music promoters are part of the ruling party’s system and they are used to promote a patriotism that is useful for party politics through music. Music in Zimbabwe today has again become a political tool used to control the masses through propaganda and hatred.

But let’s not forget the liberating dimension of music: Social media is still a space where people are provided with quality examples of true art and music. Art that shows how a society can function. But only when those in power recognise diversity for social cohesion and unity will people one day sing songs of development and not of struggle.

Climate Justice

Climate Justice: funding and compensation for Africa

By N. Gumede

Currently, the African continent contributes only 4% of global greenhouse gas emissions. But it is heavily affected by climate change. Climate justice recognises that climate change has a disproportionate financial and social impact on disadvantaged communities. Gumede calls for a just energy transition and a fair distribution of the costs of climate action.

Landschaftsblick, Hügel in der Ferne, viel Gestrüpp,

Various regions in Zimbabwe are affected by catastrophic weather extremes: devastating floods, cyclones, prolonged droughts and heat waves. These lead to food insecurity, loss of livelihoods and slower economic growth. In 2019, Cyclone Idai claimed more than 1,500 lives and caused an estimated US$3.3 billion in damage in Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Malawi and Madagascar. The affected countries are still struggling with the effects today. This year, Cyclone Freddy passed over Zimbabwe, but hit Malawi in particular with devastating consequences.

Irregular rainfall and chronic droughts affect the water supply and reduce production. Yet many African economies depend primarily on the agricultural sector, not only to meet local food consumption but also to generate income from exports. Many local farmers lack the capital and expertise to adapt their farms to climate change. Water scarcity also contributes to the outbreak of diseases such as cholera. Women, children and people with disabilities are most affected.

A just energy transition

Energy production is one of the main causes of greenhouse gas emissions. That is why there is a global call today to move away from fossil fuels and towards green energy. While green energy is a good solution to significantly reduce emissions, a just energy transition must take into account the limited capabilities of developing countries. Africa has an abundance of sunlight and could actually become a solar energy giant: The continent has 40% of the world’s potential for solar energy. But most African governments have too little seed money for solar farms and compatible electricity grids. Nevertheless, the pressure on developing countries to use clean energy is growing. Developed countries have had the unfair advantage of being able to industrialise quickly by using cheap fossil fuels like coal. Now this opportunity is no longer available to developing countries like Zimbabwe with abundant coal reserves? Meanwhile, the population suffers from electricity shortages. Climate change is also contributing to this. Zimbabwe actually has a fairly good infrastructure for harnessing hydropower, but its capacity has declined due to climate change-related droughts.

Climate justice: adaptation costs and compensation

Given all this, it is clear that those responsible for high greenhouse gas emissions should be held accountable. At least when it comes to helping vulnerable communities cope with climate shocks. Funding should go towards developing adaptation and mitigation measures for affected regions. But as activists from the Global South, we are not only asking for assistance in the transition, but also compensation for the loss and damage we have not caused.

“The costs of climate shocks should be borne by the biggest polluters.”

Our movement for climate justice

Climate action is and will remain insufficient unless climate justice is addressed first and foremost. Investing in training disadvantaged communities to deal with climate change will help reduce poverty, increase economic growth and accelerate sustainability efforts. Funding is needed for measures such as smart agriculture, green infrastructure and clean energy. Organisations such as Greenhut Trust, Earth Uprising Zimbabwe and Climate Change Coalition are working to raise awareness about climate change mitigation and adaptation, develop green solutions for their communities and advocate for policy reform. African governments are also committed to tackling climate change, but without adequate global support, their efforts cannot go far enough. While the fight for climate change mitigation and adaptation continues, it is important to move forward with climate justice. In addition, pressure must be increased on large emitters to significantly reduce their emissions and demonstrate compliance. Otherwise, the crisis will continue to worsen and less developed communities will continue to bear the brunt.

A few statistics

In the last 50 years, half a million people have died due to droughts
337 million people were affected by climate-related disasters
The total amount of rainfall has decreased by 5% since 1900
Co2 emissions compared (per capita)
- South Africa: 7.34t
- Zimbabwe: 0.71t
- Switzerland: 13.51t

Background information

The impact of the climate crisis in Africa is enormous. In the last two decades alone, over 337 million Africans have been affected by climate-related disasters. The climate crisis has accelerated droughts that have claimed over half a million lives in the last 50 years. The economic impact of droughts is also devastating: these droughts massively reduce GDP, especially considering that the total amount of rainfall during the rainy season has decreased by 5% since 1900.

Feld mit kleinen Setzlingen, sonst laublose Bäume, trockener Boden

The African continent contributes significantly less to the climate crisis than Western countries: per capita, South Africa, one of Africa’s largest emitters, emitted 7.34 tonnes of climate-heating emissions. Zimbabwe, which is far more typical for most African climate balances, even emitted only 0.71 tonnes per capita. A comparison with Switzerland: the latter emits around 13.51 tonnes per capita.

In South Africa, 85% of electricity comes from coal. This is another reason why South Africa is the world’s 14th largest Co2 polluter. In Zimbabwe, an upswing in hydropower at the turn of the millennium has contributed significantly to a marked reduction in Co2 emissions in the energy sector since 1990. The coal sector, however, remains significant. Nevertheless, South Africa and Zimbabwe are facing a tremendous power supply crisis. Power cuts lasting for hours paralyse the economy and make everyday life difficult. International investment interest in the energy sector is high. The US Trade Administration, for example, speaks of a “best prospect industry”.

More literature

Anna Brazier: Climate Change in Zimbabwe. Facts for Planners and Decision Makers. Edited by Alwyn Francis. 2015 Konrad-Adenauer-Stiftung.

About the author

Nonkanyiso “Nonoe” Gumede works as an environmentalist and climate activist for the Green Hut Trust. She focuses on the causes and impacts of climate change in the African context and works directly with affected communities on climate change adaptation.

Afrofeminism and activism

Afrofeminismus und Aktivismus

Die deutsche Version des folgenden Artikels finden Sie hier.

African Feminism Vs. Western Feminism

It has been argued that because of the exclusion of black women’s struggles and experiences in the Western feminist discourse, African feminism has emerged to address the problems faced by women of the African continent in terms of poverty, diseases and cultural norms that have a tendency to marginalize them in ways to which Western feminists are relatively less subjected.

When one considers the distinguishing features of African feminism from Western feminism, the issue of resistance to oppression on the basis of ethnicity, class and tradition comes into play, especially for African feminism. Although both feminist movements share similar strands of challenging male dominance, African feminism can be quite difficult to define. According to Zimbabwean scholar Rudo Gaidzanwa (2013) feminism in an African context is complex. It cannot be referred to as a single term since it is not representative of the female experiences in all the countries in the continent. It should rather be referred to as African feminisms.

The women movement in the Western world began in the 19th century with the 1st wave feminism with the main concerns on education, employment, marriage laws targeting middle class white women. In the African context women movements were first documented in the 20th century with women across the continent who contributed in the liberation struggles. Throughout the struggles for independence, African women have taken part in the fight against colonialism even though they did not specifically use the term «feminists». Actually, the role of female activists in recent years cannot be understood without briefly tracing the women history during the liberation struggles.

Feminism in Zimbabwe

Feminism movements in Zimbabwe, too, can be traced back to the struggle for independence from the 1960s onwards. The movements do clearly have roots that go beyond the Western feminist discourse. Although relatively little attention was paid to female guerrilla fighters during the Zimbabwean war of liberation, it is only in recent years that women’s participation in the struggle for independence has become more apparent. The Zimbabwean feminist movement manifested itself when women took up arms to challenge the Rhodesian colonial regime. Over the years, the bravery of powerful Zimbabwean women like Nehanda in what had been called the first Chimurenga (war of liberation in Zimbabwe) and the female guerillas in the second Chimurenga has been a major source of inspiration for local female activists to challenge the patriarchal systems that oppress them.

Feminism in Tanzania

In Tanzania, women have participated actively in the fight for independence, although their contribution is not fully documented. One of the early feminists and politicians is Bibi Titi Mohamed, who during the struggle for independence was actively using her voice to mobilize people to join the revolutionary party. Bibi Titi and several other women who followed her footsteps paved the way for female movements in Tanzania, which was observed in the more recent years, when women challenged the 1971 marriage law, which allowed boys to marry at 18 and girls at 15. Luckily, the law has been amended, and it is all courtesy of feminists and activists who stand up for women’s rights and are unafraid to confront the Tanzanian government, which is playing an influential role in the construction of gender by implementing policies that are rather disadvantageous for women (Mbilinyi, 2018).

The event on the 9th March will discuss what African feminism means to African women of today in terms of the (collective) struggles that women are leading in the second decade of the 21st century. Stay tuned!

Besuchen sie einen unserer Events zu diesem Thema im Rahmen des Austauschbesuch 2020. Alle Veranstaltungen finden Sie hier oder auf Facebook. Vergessen Sie nicht, die Events zu teilen und fepa zu liken!