Responsible communication on international cooperation

Responsible communication on international cooperation

fepa moves ahead

Under the umbrella of Alliance Sud, a manifesto of Swiss aid organisations for “responsible communication of international cooperation” was created in 2020. fepa is also concerned with the question of how we fulfil our responsibility in communication, as formulated in the manifesto: “Responsibility for the people who improve their livelihoods thanks to cooperation, and for those who show solidarity”. Our communication should contribute to a better understanding, more solidarity as well as to the “decolonisation of aid”.

On 9 September, around 40 Africa experts discussed excerpts from fepa’s newsletters at the first “Critical Reflection Day” at the Centre for African Studies Basel.

The discussion showed that communication about cooperation is complex and can produce misunderstandings. It sharpened our understanding of colonial traditions of representation and that communication about “aid” ultimately depends on how these aid structures are shaped: Every inequality in the partner relationship also leads to problems in communication. We cannot and must not whitewash these inequalities. “Responsible communication” therefore also requires “responsible partnership” at eye level. You can find our reflection on the feedback below.

That is why the office is currently working on the following tasks:

  • As an engaged, flexible and courageous organisation, we are moving forward experimentally and testing new, decolonised forms of communication. In this way, we ourselves contribute to the learning process around the Manifesto. We set ourselves the goal of exceeding the requirements of the “Manifesto”.
  • We rely on critical engagement and co-determination by our partners for our communication and finance corresponding activities on the part of the partners.
  • We are expanding the platforms where our partners and generally people from the Global South speak and write directly.
  • We develop an integrated strategy for partnership project work, which includes communication.
  • We enable partners to engage in the aid decolonisation debate.
  • We sensitise our readers, members, supporters and donors to engage with their ideas, positioning and to listen even more to voices from the South.
  • We define our roles more precisely. When fepa presents itself as an “expert”: for what? And what does this mean for the partners and beneficiaries?

Workshop Critical reflection day…

We submitted a number of fepa journal articles to a review by academic audience with the questions how we portray partners and relationships – in light of the importance to communicate responsibly and not least, to contribute to the decolonization of ‘aid’. You can read more about that background in the transcript. below.

7 groups discussed 4 text samples, representing different formats (Textsorten). The feedback was very critical and highlighting a range of issues where changes in approach are advisable. Sometimes the critique in the workshop suffered from a lack of contextual knowledge: the choice of single texts did not allow to see how they played together with other parts of the communication. But I, as the director of fepa, am convinced: the verdict must be taken seriously and changes applied.

The fepa-Mitteilungsblatt has a history rooted in how this genre of publications grew – and it will profit from a reform in some of its parts. Many of the shortcomings are not a problem of fepa, rather of the genre. It was fascinating to see how much is wrong with international cooperation communication, when you look at it from an abstract and academic viewpoint.

Here are some conclusions for fepa:

  • First voice given to partners as authors: interviews were criticized for remaining in the donor/recipient set up; choice of extracts from statements were criticized for inability to overcome colonial representations – this will need resources at our partner’s end. And we must accept that some things are out of control, when people represent themselves.
  • Editing must become a partnered approach – this will need resources at our parnter’s end.
  • More of a journalist approach needed? – The genre is more PR with documentation and some first voice. Could a stronger outsider journalism approach, change representation and allow for more critical assessments?
  • Multimedia approach to be adopted, so that background information, context, or even the way people talk and act can be transported – or discussion made visible.
  • Representation of ‘recipients’ as ‘poor’ remains a big challenge. How to make them active? More and longer portraits? Life-stories? But should everyone be made a public story?
  • Some statements by fepa director in editorials show ‘speaking for’ rather than just giving space to speak in own, direct voice.
  • We are portraying fepa, especially in the communication leaning towards fundraising, as ‘we are the experts’ – but it creates power imbalances and makes people look passive. Is this a challenge when working with grassroots people: that they are ‘experts’ for what – how do we really portray them as subjects in a solidarity relation?
  • In general it is very difficult to bring us, as ‘donors’ in the global North into the equation – unless we are brutally honest and transparent. Maybe we should not pretend that we are equal. Some participants suggested that we be more explicit about ‘collaboration’ between people with different roles and powers, and expertise, rather than aspiring to a partnership of equals.
  • How can our partners speak truth to our power? There was a deep uneasiness within the academics about this. This is complicated by the reality that almost any ‘development-project’ set-up has a tendency to disempower partners in the south in a substantial way, unless they have unlimited and direct access to the funding partners in the north. Must we be prepared to adopt a position of ‘fund generously’ as a solution.
  • Should we drop the editorial – together with the fundraising letter it is simply too much talking about our being good? Even though responses by readers show that the editorial is important to them. This shows the challenge how do we build trust in fepa – trust that we need for fundraising efficiently? How can we communicate so that this trust is easily extended to our partners? Should we hand over the editorial to a partner in the south?
  • Apply a more robust approach at translation, circulation, copy rights etc.

Workshop Introduction by Marcel Dreier, Transcript

If today we as fepa challenge ourselves, each day, to think about how we can decolonize, this is part of our very own history and reason for existence. But it is also because we understand that the international cooperation, including our own, is rooted in colonial histories and discourses.

Our constitution says that we are actively playing a part in informing our members and audience about the politics of development and the situation and context in which our partners are active. Even though we are small as an organisation, we are still talking to some two thousand people or more in Switzerland who believe that we are a credible source of information and a good example of international cooperation practice. Many see us as ‘experts’. With this influence comes responsibility.

As experts we know that we must decolonize international relations and cooperation. And this debate is gaining some traction recently. One example is the Kampala Initiative.

)) That initiative aims to decolonize health cooperation, decolonize the critique of aid, and to decolonize the promotion of solidarity. It goes beyond the health sector, and asks: ‘How do we achieve real cooperation and solidarity within and beyond aid?’. Another example is  the report on a global consultation held in 2020 with 158 activisits from around the global. This report is published by peace direct under the title “Time to Decolonise Aid”. It states that ‘some of the language used in the aid system reinforces discriminatory and racist perceptions of non-White populations’ and it challenges to acknowledge structural racism and the hegemony of Western values in international cooperation, and recommends to do something against it. One of the recommendations is to mind our language.

For such initiatives ‘decolonization’ is not ‘disengagement’. I also believe that the relations that we have with people in the global south are essential to build our humanity, our one world. So this session is not meant to be a fundamental critique of the idea of global cooperation – but wants to look at how we communicate about our relations, how we portray our partners in these relations and whether we mind our language in view of colonial histories and discourses.

A group of larger Swiss INGOs in 2020 presented a ‘manifesto for responsible communication on international communication.’ This manifesto steers clear of the word ‘decolonize’. fepa takes the manifesto as our starting point, and minimum requirement, for our communication. Actually, I feel, also because we are not really par of ‘the industry’, but driven by grassroots here, that we should aim to try to be voice in this debate, a debate about decolonizing and working towards, unlocking international communication from colonialism. So we felt that we should submit our own communication to your critique here, even though the communication of others have a much greater influence. I am grateful that you are willing to spend some time and appreciative of your feedback.

Are you willing to participate in our debates? Please get in touch with Marcel Dreier (marcel.dreier@fepafrika.ch).

About Us

Who we are

Since 1963, fepa – the Fund for Development and Partnership in Africa – has been committed to improving living conditions in southern Africa, particularly in Zimbabwe. fepa:

  • funds and supports local initiatives.
  • promotes youth empowerment and gender equality.

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  • advocates for access to land and environmentally sustainable farming methods.
  • works with a long-term perspective, focusing on innovation and sustainability.
  • engages in development policy and works towards social justice and democracy both locally and in Switzerland.
  • is organized as an association, drawing on a wealth of expertise in social, political, economic, and cultural fields, gained from over 50 years of experience in southern Africa.

Women’s rights and Gender justice: Activism at the grass roots

Women’s rights and gender justice: Community of Practice strengthens activism

Focused entirely on practice and innovation: Together with more than a dozen organisations, mostly led by young women, we strengthen activism and innovation for a strong movement for women’s rights and gender justice.

The fepa website – now in English!

The fepa website is now available in English!

The fepa website – now in English!

After months of preparation, fepa is delighted to announce that our website is now available in English!

You can now easily switch from German to English and back. This makes our website more accessible to people beyond Switzerland. We are very proud of this development and it’s going to further our work that much more.

Agriculture and ecological turnaround: Future thanks to agroecology

Future through sustainable agriculture

For smallholder farmers in the lowlands of south-eastern Zimbabwe, the forest garden in Chaseyama is a beacon of ecological knowledge and dignity. It points a way out of environmental degradation and food insecurity.

In recent years, a dynamic and inclusive agro-ecological movement has grown up around fepa’s partner organisation PORET. Farmers, many of them women or young people, improve their own production in exchange and support the development of the community. The results are good: food security has increased.

The agroecological awakening is complemented by an initiative for a more cooperative pastoralism that uses livestock in a holistic way to also restore natural resources (land fertility, water balance, etc). This is a particularly complex task that only a movement strongly anchored in local society can solve.

Organic farming in the lowlands of Chaseyama

Issues of food security, ecology and the strengthening of smallholder structures shape the development perspectives of rural areas – also in Zimbabwe. The persistently poor economic situation there particularly weakens farmers’ access to means of production. In recent years, Zimbabwe’s naturally disadvantaged agricultural zones in particular have suffered from massive drought. These include the arid lowlands in the southeast, where this project is located.

There, the “Forest Garden” project is creating a nucleus of learning, knowledge and technology exchange and improved sustainable farming practices in the arid areas affected by ecological degradation: Based on a “forest garden” to be redesigned according to permaculture principles, a management of natural bases for food production adapted to local ecological and cultural factors is promoted.

The project creates a new and locally anchored platform for knowledge exchange within the network and stimulates a thought process on sustainable forms of production in the arid lowlands. Careful management of natural resources is taken into account, as is the preservation of local knowledge about adapted seeds and crops. Community care is an integral part of this approach.

Zukunft nachhaltige Landwirtschaft
Farmer on a field during a visit to PORET

The success of the project is measured not least by its impact: many farmers participate, implement ideas on organic farming and thus actively improve their food situation. The project participants in Zimbabwe have already proven that this works. In the south-east of Zimbabwe, one of the most successful permaculture projects in the world has been developed over the last 20 years.

With its concrete activities, the project is laying a foundation for PORET’s long-term contribution to the creation of sustainable development in an ecologically fragile region riddled with social conflict. Within the framework of the project, a kind of ecological model farm is being established in self-help and the necessary infrastructure measures are being implemented. Based on this, a program of workshops with training character and mobile consultations will be carried out. The yields from the forest garden are also used to provide healthy meals for about 30 children in the affiliated kindergarten.

PORET is already well connected and affiliated to various national and regional umbrella organisations and networks.

fepa partner organisationPORET
LocationChaseyama, Zimbabwe
Target groupSmall-scale farmers in the arid lowlands of Chaseyama
fepa contribution 2016-2023CHF 340’000
fepa contribution 2022-2024CHF 480’000

With your donation in favour of this project…

…you support small farmers to initiate an ecological turnaround so that they can continue to live from the yield of their agriculture for a long time to come.

Donate for a sustainable life

Further information – English only

Mazingi Aid

Lucy Mazingi: It’s time to share power

By L. Mazingi

This year, 2023 marks a milestone achievement of 60 years of development work for the Fund for Development and Partnership (fepa). fepa was founded when black and white pioneers established community farms in Rhodesia- now Zimbabwe, working together and, in a way, challenging the Rhodesian government and white supremacy ideology. fepa has throughout its history worked with grassroots movements and solidarity networks in Zimbabwe, Tanzania, South Africa and Mozambique around human rights, democracy, empowerment, and standing against racism and racial discrimination. 

It is essential during this milestone celebration to reflect on how development aid in Southern Africa where fepa has active partnerships has shifted. This is an opportunity to immerse ourselves in the current conversation around decoloniality and localisation as fepa positions itself for the next 40 years. Our reflections will also be informed by experiences from the COVID-19 pandemic and our responses to the war in Ukraine which have further challenged us to rethink development aid.

There is growing acknowledgement by development actors on the need to shift power dynamics as far as aid is concerned by re-examining trust and redefining partnership. This has been an ongoing process but more effort towards dismantling structural barriers that impede its advance is needed. It is also important to interrogate narratives that preclude local actors from playing the leading role in the development of their own communities.

Deep-rooted Power Relations

If we look at the historical governance structures for international funding agencies, the power dynamics were, and some are still well pronounced in terms of the geographical location of the agencies- headquarters offices in Northern capital cities including lack of diversity in staff and board members. This in most cases meant flying in and out of communities/ countries to monitor and participate in activities and projects, very often with exorbitant overheads. Some countries in the South are also tightening immigration laws making it cumbersome to get work permits for international staff. There has also been a conscious shift over the years to establish regional offices in southern regional centres with some donor agencies taking a step further to establish countries offices that employ, and some led by local staff.

Currently, International Non-Governmental Organisations (INGOs) prioritise the needs of the majority affluent country donor(s). They provide the funding, choose which projects go ahead, write proposals, and determine what expertise, development and success look like. Furthermore, the country-based INGOs, donors, or offices usually have the budgetary power and the last say in many if not all areas. This final say must be endorsed by the Northern Head Office. Because of the historical power imbalances, many local organizations have difficulty pushing back against donors, especially on program priorities or crucial financial terms like indirect cost rates. Communities even know that local community-based organisations have to wait for approval or final say from the INGOs – that is how embedded these power relations are. If INGO staff go on summer holidays everything stops and the impact is felt at local community levels where delays are experienced.

There is still a lot of hesitance by development actors to fully localise based on experiences from the past where some cases of corruption and fraud have occurred. There are narratives that purport that local organizations are more prone to fraud, cannot comply with donor requirements, or lack the capacity to implement complicated programming that meets donor expectations.

Share Power for a more just Development

If we are to move towards decolonisation, a radical examination of narratives andchanging approaches of aid by involving and elevating people, systems and methods that originate from communities side-lined by historical imbalances that include colonialism. It is crucial that organisations are honest and transparent about the structure and history of the international aid sector and the inherent cycles of privilege and power. According to Humentum, there must be an understanding of the cycle of dependency that has been created in aid-recipient countries and populations. This understanding should result in a relinquishing, transferring, and sharing of power at all levels of its structure.

To decolonise aid, INGOs should start by addressing the lack of diversity in leadership and governance. Leadership and governance should respect differences, and be genuine, equitable and inclusive. Power holders must truly understand their power and privilege. More women and men of colour and other social identities should be in senior leadership positions and embrace inclusive and feminist leadership styles that are rooted in care, solidarity, and empathy.  This should be extended to governing boards of INGOs that remain predominantly male and white, or from the white/European diaspora.

The aid-receiving people (in their diversities) and country must be acknowledged, included, and centred in proposals and solutions.  Co-creation and co-implementation by the people should be adopted. Success must be defined by the community receiving the aid. There is a need to ensure that development work will contribute towards communities’ autonomy and self-sustainability instead of reinforcing inequality, white supremacy, and unequal power relations. 

To counter narratives around risk, donors would need to increase their risk tolerance when working with local partners by moving away from viewing local actors as an inherent risk; and instead treating them as vital assets bringing both value for money and a greater possibility of sustainability.

The evidence from the localisation shows that local knowledge and engagement are essential for sustainable, equitable development and redressing the inequalities that exist between the global and local actors. More ownership and effective utilisation of resources is achieved through localisation. This may not happen overnight, but acceleration steps must already be put in place.

Lucy Mazingi

Lucy Mazingi laughing black woman

The charismatic and influential civil society activist has been involved in international cooperation for three decades. On the occasion of fepa’s 50th anniversary, she was our guest in Switzerland. Lucy Mazingi has been the country director of “We Effect” since 2021.

Ndomzy_en

Ndomzy

Ndomupeishe “Ndomzy” Chipendo was named the winner of the “outstanding female dancer” category of the National Music Awards 2023 in February. She also consciously uses dance as a tool for social dialogue. In September, the dancer will come to Switzerland at fepa’s invitation. There will be workshops and a collaboration with dance artists in Switzerland. On Friday 29.9.2023, Ndomzy will be at fepa’s anniversary event. More about the dancer’s programme on the fepa website.

Ndomzy am tanzen

I come from a very artistic family. My mother is a music teacher and encouraged my skills from a young age. Sometimes I was allowed to travel with her when she was on cultural exchange programmes that involved music and dance. At the age of 11, I participated in a performing arts training programme for children called CHIPAWO. I learned traditional dances there, mainly from southern Africa.

In 2012, I received a scholarship to the Afrikera Arts Trust, a performing arts school in Zimbabwe, and graduated with a diploma in 2015. This was followed by a professional certificate from Music Crossroads Academy Zimbabwe. Since then I have been working as a freelance artist, mainly in dance. However, I also play several instruments and sing.

Dance is low on the list of supported arts in Zimbabwe. Yet it is very present and one of the most important components in many areas, such as music videos, theatre performances and live shows. But in the dance sector, too little is paid and we dancers often get little recognition. Yet we are among those who work the hardest to establish ourselves. It takes experience and a big network for me to get more gigs as a dancer. Together with a group of dancers, we found ways to establish ourselves in the arts and culture sector. We were loud and present in the art scene, so we earned many awards and recognition. But it’s not just about income as an artist. We are also trying to change the mindset about dance in Zimbabwe. There is a lot of dancing nowadays and that has increased the recognition of dancers in the country, not only in Harare but nationwide.

I like working with women, but in Zimbabwe, dance is mostly male-dominated. Being in a male-dominated space can be very intimidating, but I have learned to accept this and try to embrace my feminine energy in such spaces. It’s not easy, but with experience it becomes possible.

Music and Politics

Music in Zimbabwe: Between commerce and criticism of the system

By F. D. Mhlanga

Farai Danny Mhlanga studied Public Administration and Management and graduated with a Masters in Peace, Leadership & Governance. He works as a development professional, advocating for youth empowerment and sustainable development.

For generations, music has been an influential means of political expression in Zimbabwe. Today, songs by critical pop musicians are heard by millions of young people. Our author places today’s controversial songs in the longer history of popular music as a critique of colonial and undemocratic rule and as a mobilising tool for civil society engagement.

Historical Background

The use of music for political goals began during the liberation struggle with artists like Thomas Mapfumo in the 1970s. Mapfumo adapted traditional musical styles played with the mbira for the amplified electric guitar. His music and lyrics were messages of resistance and unity in the anti-colonial liberation war, the second Chimurenga. The genre of Chimurenga music emerged and they mobilised broad sections of the population for the struggle for independence.

The ruling party of independent Zimbabwe thus knew well the mobilising effect of music and soon tried to control what was said. The only artists who sang quite explicitly about politics were commissioned by the ruling party, for example the Mbare Chimurenga Choir. Otherwise, under Robert Mugabe’s leadership, censorship, arrests and harassment of artists who sang about politics continued until the early 2000s. In 2005, Thomas Mapfumo also fled to the West.

In the 2000s, music was increasingly used to address burning social issues such as cohesion in the nation or HIV and AIDS and. Oliver “Tuku” Mtukudzi, also known in Switzerland for his acclaimed live performances, addressed family and social problems with his music: Domestic violence, early marriages and poverty.

This period also saw the emergence of new electronic sounds that stood out from the guitars and mbira sounds of the Chimurenga tradition: the urban grooves. They also became popular because local radio stations were now required by law to play a majority of local musicians. The urban grooves were mainly aimed at promoting the arts and culture industry and were less politically oriented.

ZimDancehall: Music of a new generation between commerce and system criticism

The rise of ZimDancehall as a genre within urban grooves since around 2010 brought a new wave of hope, especially to the nation’s young people. ZimDancehall also brought with it an upsurge in the music industry. New technologies and the internet provided artists with many platforms to distribute their music. Thus, ZimDancehall also caught the attention of policy makers as it captured the hearts of young people with its messages of youth empowerment and culture change. The regime lost control over the distribution and content of the music.

Artists like Jah Prayzah with songs for the preservation of culture and heritage also touched the hearts of the elders with new music. But a new dissident, youthful culture also emerged in the second republic. The pioneers of this music were young people, especially Winky D, Soul Jah Love, Freeman, Jah Prayzah and Chillspot Records.

Overall, ZimDancehall culture has contributed to serious positive and negative social changes. These include not only the upgrading of the culture and arts industry, but also high drug use among young people.

Music as a scathing commentary on the new regime

The ouster of Robert Mugabe led to an awakening that was mirrored in 2017 in the album “Kutonga Kwaro” (“his control”) by Jah Prayzah. This album by perhaps the most popular Zimbabwean artist gave the new president ED Mnangagwa a tailwind. The album’s tracks ignited a spark and were taken as prophecies about the legitimacy of the rule of a new liberation war hero, in this case the new president ED Mnangagwa. Other musicians are much more vehement in representing the voice of the youth in the urban ghettos: Winky D released his ninth album “Njema” (“Shackles” – The artist translation means being physically free but mentally shackled) in late 2019 after the 2018 elections. It was interpreted by listeners and the ruling party as an anti-government album, advocating for freedom of expression and association and speaking unpleasant truths.

And today?

Elections are due in Zimbabwe in 2023, a country with high unemployment, civil unrest, discord and poverty. The album “Eureka” released by Winky D tested the mindset and political maturity of the listeners. The album predicts a struggle against problems that affect the youth in general: Corruption, a nation without identity and the poor use of local resources for economic growth. In today’s politically divided Zimbabwe, “belonging” to a “camp” is also an issue. Holy Ten, who featured on Winky D’s album and who allegedly belongs to the ruling party, was therefore denounced for his involvement in a musical project that was in turn described as “opposition-politically” motivated. Two tracks were at the centre of the controversy: “Ibotso” and “Dzimba Dzemabwe”.

“Ibotso”, the track Holy Ten contributed to, is about how the rich constantly take from the poor and how the young woman has become a sex object and has to be exploited to survive. The key metaphor of the song is “Vanotora zvevapfupi nekureba” (“They take from the little ones because they are bigger”).

“Dzimba Dzemabwe” (“Houses of Stone”) portrays a country with a failed democracy that has lost its culture due to intolerance. A majority of Zimbabweans are likely to recognise the artistic nature of the project. But the ruling party’s Youth League denied the album’s artistic value and portrayed Winky D as a supporter of regime change. In “Dzimba Dzembabwe” Winky D sings:

« What kinda legacy are we to leave for the coming generation?
Yes, I hope to see a better life, but it’s an imagination.
They talk about democracy, mi look all I just see is hypocrisy.
The dialogue is turning into a fallacy.
The Ghetto Youth’s ambition now turn into a fantasy.
From long time when mi grow, everybody know dis is di bread basket,
But, right now we carry water inna di basket. »

Music without social critique is empty

The outcry around Winky D symbolises the extent to which politics has distorted art and music and robbed them of their meaning. Music is actually part of culture and heritage; it predicts our past and present.

Artists like Prophet Passion Java, Holy Ten, Saint Floew, Nutty O and other up-and-coming ama2k artist:ins belonging to the post-2000 generation are giving music a new style; but these young people value money, pleasure and success so much that they prefer to follow the money. Today, musical companions of Winky D also seem to strive for success and money above all. When they follow the money, they come up against an oligarchy that controls the wealth they need and so they dance to its tune. So this music business matches the politics business in Zimbabwe: both are a playground for rip-offs. The music promoter Prophet Passion Java is a case in point. He is all about the egomaniacal spendthrift culture of the “mbingas” (rich money wasters). These music promoters are part of the ruling party’s system and they are used to promote a patriotism that is useful for party politics through music. Music in Zimbabwe today has again become a political tool used to control the masses through propaganda and hatred.

But let’s not forget the liberating dimension of music: Social media is still a space where people are provided with quality examples of true art and music. Art that shows how a society can function. But only when those in power recognise diversity for social cohesion and unity will people one day sing songs of development and not of struggle.